Appeal to the League of Nations,
Geneva, Switzerland-1936
I,
Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim
that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance
promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted
that aggression had been committed in violation of international
treaties.
There is
no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this
assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being
victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by
abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before
been an example of any government proceeding to the systematic
extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation
of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth
that there should not be used against innocent human beings
the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people
struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the
Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme
duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.
I pray to
Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings
that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the
chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.
It is my
duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible
as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children,
of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to
them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia.
It is not
only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war.
It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities,
in order to terrorize and exterminate them.
At the beginning,
towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies,
bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers
learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed
the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to
mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups.
But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected
only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves
a warning to troops and to the population of the danger.
It was at
the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle
were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout,
followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce
to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft
so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory,
a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen
aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from
them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from
the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle,
rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with
this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all
living creatures, in order to more surely to poison waters
and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over
and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.
Ravage
and Terror
The very
refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror
into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the
points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The
object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of
the Ethiopian territory.
These fearful
tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain
that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched
fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned
water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful
suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian
mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized
world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that
I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my
brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations
the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed
to the League of Nations had remained without any answer;
my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided
to come myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated
against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that
awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.
Is it necessary
to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian
drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent
of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all
my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization,
and in particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness
with adjacent powers. In particular, I succeeded in concluding
with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely
prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force
of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation
and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international
order.
Country
More United
In its report
of October 5th 1935, the Committee of Thirteen recognized
my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments
thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst
giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of
her territorial integrity and independence, would help her
to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem
that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity
than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united
and the central power is better obeyed.
I should
have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles
of every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government,
the government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels.
Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed,
has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia.
The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere;
their only object was to hide its real intention from me.
The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been
preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes
today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to
the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty
of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing
war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Government
was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees
of security which would enable it to achieve further progress
along the specific path of reform on which it had set its
feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all
its heart.
Wal-Wal
Pretext
The Wal-Wal
incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me.
The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate
to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions
of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged
the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for
Ethiopia, this was the time when a certain government considered
that the European situation made it imperative at all costs
to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the
abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the
Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the
obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence
over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have
suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences.
This first
violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling
itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome
Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that
the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on
the Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance
of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come,
thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with
a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration.
All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure.
Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from
finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the
arbitral tribunal was set up pressure was exercised so that
an award favourable to Italy should be given.
All this
was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials,
were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident,
as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility
was to be attributed to Ethiopia.
Peace
Efforts
Following
on this award, the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought
that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy.
I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Government.
The Assembly
was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated
October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred
after the month of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd,
1935.
It will
be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that
report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing
the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table
on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to
the Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval
between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the
consideration of the question by the Council on the ground
that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for
in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole
of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to
East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were
represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary
for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations.
Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official
pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no
doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government."
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has
sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to
the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring
to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian
Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably
stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award
even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question
of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the
arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree
to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral
observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon
which the Council might decide.
Once the
Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the
Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the
Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted
that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the
means provided by the Covenant.
It stated
that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of
primary importance to Italian security and civilization" it
"would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not
cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia,
reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become
necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard
its own interests."
Covenant
Violated
Those are
the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The
Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion
that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and
was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to
declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon
me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and
integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the
defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed
of a powerful neighbour.
In
October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today
gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph,
that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order
to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence.
I ask the
fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which
they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed
the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they
had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my
weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions,
hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute.
I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including
the most powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed
by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties,
I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with
certain small countries in Europe.
When
the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities
towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried
to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo
to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through
the Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting
without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.
Forced
to Mobilize
On October
3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few
hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire
to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great
country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops
to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext
of provocation.
War
then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid
before the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a government
commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having
at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means
which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most
death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people
of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources
having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the
promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was
given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared
the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and
had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has
each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue
of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered
the aggressor as having committed an act of war personally
directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the
execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed
by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect
that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would
end by being compelled to bow before right.
In December,
1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were
in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who,
in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal
to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly
repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the
Italian Government and the League of Nations, and that is
why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage
made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray
my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was
defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened
with aggression.
What
of Promises?
What have
become of the promises made to me as long ago as October,
1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three
Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as
absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled
them to refuse to take any measures whatsoever in order to
stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound
disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain government
which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to
the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent
its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to
be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised
in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did
the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless
obstruction?
The Ethiopian
Government never expected other governments to shed their
soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately
personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked
only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have
asked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms. That
assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then, in
practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and
of collective security?
The Ethiopian
Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa
was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended
for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the
chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies
of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited
transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even
neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of
the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to
the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression.
Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected?
Finally
a statement has just been made in their parliaments by the
governments of certain powers, amongst them the most influential
members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor
has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory
they propose not to continue the application of any economic
and financial measures that may have been decided upon against
the Italian Government.
These are
the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine
Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to
consider the situation created by Italian aggression.
I assert
that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much
wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of
Italian aggression.
League
Threatened
It
is collective security: it is the very existence of the League
of Nations. It is the confidence that each state is to place
in international treaties. It is the value of promises made
to small states that their integrity and their independence
shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the
equality of states on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation
laid upon small powers to accept the bonds of vassalship.
In a word, it is international morality that is at stake.
Have the signatures appended to a treaty value only in so
far as the signatory powers have a personal, direct and immediate
interest involved?
No subtlety
can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion.
It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations
to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with
extermination, when the support of the League may ward off
the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness,
without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by
the rule of equality as between all States Members of the
League?
Apart
from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any
nation that is superior to any other.
Should it happen that a strong government
finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the
hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League
of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God
and history will remember your judgment.
Assistance
Refused
I have heard
it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied
have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances
could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally
badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the
impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal
to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests
that she should be given financial assistance, was that a
measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financial
assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of
peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have
refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?
Faced by
numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international
treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous
methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the
initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions.
Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment
of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when
I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of
my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive
Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining
the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance
the League of Nations and each of the states members are entitled
to expect from the great powers when they assert their right
and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by
the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are
states going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before
force? Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals
for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective
the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant
that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if
the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality
which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. On
behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of
Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper
to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest
against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian
people has been the victim. I
declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the
Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before
force; that they maintain their claims that they will use
all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and
the respect of the Covenant.
I ask the
fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise
to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are
they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great powers who
have promised the guarantee of collective security to small
states on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer
the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to
take? Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to
discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of
the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back
to my people?
Reflections on
League Address | 1963 Address to
UN | Accra Conference
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